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Col. Edmund SCARBURGH, Jr.

Male Bef 1617 - 1671  (> 52 years)

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  • Name Edmund SCARBURGH 
    Title Col. 
    Suffix Jr. 
    Born Bef 2 Oct 1617  St. Martin-in-the-Fields, Westminster, London, England Find all individuals with events at this location 
    Christened 2 Oct 1617  St. Martin-in-the-Fields, Westminster, London, England Find all individuals with events at this location 
    Gender Male 
    Name Edmond SCARBOROUGH Jr. 
    Name Edmond SCARBROUGH Jr. 
    Name Edmond SCARBURROW 
    Name Edmund SCARBOROUGH Jr. 
    Name Edmund SCARBORROUGH Jr. 
    Died Between Jan 1670 and 23 May 1671  Accomack County, VA Find all individuals with events at this location 

    • (1) Source: McDaniel, Cynthia, "Descendants of Edmund Scarborough" <>.

      (2) The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, International Genealogical Index ®, Copyright © 1980, 2002, data as of January 21, 2009, Batch No.: P001451, Dates: 1550 - 1636, Source Call No.: 0845235, Type: Film, Printout Call No.: 6901249, Type: Film, Sheet: 00

      Christening: 02 OCT 1617 Saint Martin In The Fields, Westminster, London, England

      Father: SCARBURROW

      (3) Ye Kingdome of Accawmacke or the Eastern Shore of Virginia [database online], Provo, UT: The Generations Network, Inc., 2006, pp. 94-190:

      In 1638, the first deed was recorded, the parties thereto being Edmund Scarburgh and Esquire Littleton, and in September, 1640, orders came from James City for all land patents and bounds of land to be sent to the seat of government. The King's rent of land was one shilling for fifty acres. The same year, the first license to keep an ordinary was granted to Anthony Hoskins. Dame Elizabeth Dale's will was registered and the first Bill of Exchange was recorded and was drawn on _____ of Amsterdam, Holland, in favor of Wm. Douglas & Company, for forty pounds sterling. Argon Yeardley employed Edmund Scarburgh to survey his father's land at Mattawaman creek. . . .

      William Michael was perhaps the first attorney to practice his profession in Northampton County, and in 1657 was one of the recognized leaders of the bar. For many years Colonel Edmund Scarburgh seems to have shared honors with Michael. . . .

      Other distinguished lawyers of the seventeenth century were: Thomas Harmonson, Francis Pigott, Daniel Foxcroft, John Tankard, Charles Holden, William Spencer, John Luke, Ambrose White, George Watson, John Stratton, John Parker, James Watts, and Colonel John Custis. Custis ably defended the Rev. Mr. Teackle against certain ungrounded but serious charges brought against him by Scarburgh, the latter accusing Teackle of improper relations with Lady Scarburgh and combining with her to poison him. Most of the attorneys named were exceptionally well versed in the law and skillful practitioners. The volume of litigation was surprisingly large, and while the practice of law must have been highly lucrative, yet the lawyers invariably indulged in the planting of tobacco.

      About this time the first mention of the trouble in England was made. It seems that the court having broken the seals of a certain letter, excused itself on the ground that it was understood that certain valuable information as to England and the Colony was contained therein, and, "whereas the times do seem perilous" and the letter had been forwarded to the addressee, no harm had been done. In other words, the gentlemen who assembled about the improvised courthouse to discuss the impending crisis at "home," were, as humanity is wont to be, most curious, and all incoming letters paid them toll of news. One of these old letters was written by Andrew White, who had returned to England on business; in it he said, "we are in great fear of Turmoils & Convulsions, and I wish I was in the Colony." Can we not see such men as Colonel Scarburgh and Edmund Bowman riding each morning to the public landing in eager quest of the latest intelligence from "home?" Ah, how these old transplanted royalists must have longed to draw their swords for the King! How they must have sighed as they gazed out over the blue Atlantic and pictured the ruin which was soon to befall their kith and kin in old England! And as these self-exiled royalists stood upon the shores of their American homes, and in reflective mood dwelt upon the seething, irrepressible questions of the day, there must have been something suggestive to them in the wild lines of turbulent breakers, mounting higher and higher, their proud white crests glinting in the sun, only to fall with awful suddenness and fury upon the implacable shoals. But this is only a slide in our lantern, a flickering shadow picture on the sheet of the past to draw our minds back to the early days, and enable us to see the times as they were. We must return to material facts. . . .

      In April, 1644, the alarm of Indian massacre was general, and the natives who were openly resisting the encroachments of the whites to the north being distrusted, the settled portion of the lower peninsula was again divided into military districts. The country from the north side of Nassawattocks to the north side of Hungar's comprised one district, under command of Wm. Andrews and Stephen Charlton; and that from the south side of Hungar's to the north side of Mattawaman Creek, was a district under Captain Wm. Stone. Captain Argoll Yeardley commanded the district from Mattawaman Creek to Thos. Dimner's House and the Petit house, and the territory on both sides of Cheriton Creek was under the command of Colonel Obedience Robins and Captain Philip Taylor. Captain Wm. Roper and Edward Douglas commanded the district from King's Creek to the latter's house. The seaside district from Colonel Littleton's to Magothy Bay Point was placed under the command of John Neale and Edmund Scarburgh. Any persons who failed to execute the proper orders of the district Captains were to be committed to the custody of the sheriff and sent to James City. Some trouble with refractory inhabitants soon arose, and on July 12th John Wise was called before the court to testify as a witness against them. It is safe to say that Colonel Scarburgh's activity led to the acquisition of the jail the following year. . . .

      In the early days of the Colony, the area under cultivation was so limited, and the tendency of the planters to invest in the most profitable crop was so strong, that at times the food supply was insufficient to maintain the colonists. There being no vast wheat and corn fields in the west to put their surplus supply upon the Eastern Exchanges, the Virginians were forced to the alternative of self-maintenance or starvation. The day when the Indian storehouses could be depended upon to maintain the whites in case of emergency was past, and the General Assembly was frequently compelled to take cognizance of the economic questions of supply and demand. A law was enacted, prescribing the amount of corn each planter should produce, apportioned according to his acreage; and at the June Court of Northampton, in 1647, it was ordered that the constables of the various precincts should visit the planters' farms to see whether or not the requirements of the law were being fulfilled. The constables, however, were wide awake to their own interests, and a hogshead or two of tobacco secured a favorable report on the corn crop. In fact, the officials at this early day were not overscrupulous in their dealings, and frequently enriched themselves at the expense of the general government. As a result of the defaults and neglects of the sheriffs, who had up to this time collected most of the taxes, and who had caused "much blemish to the reputation and credit of the Colonie," the Assembly, in 1648, appointed official revenue collectors. Colonel Scarburgh and Colonel Nathaniel Littleton were selected for Northampton. . . .

      Under the favorable terms which [Lord] Baltimore extended to patentees of land at this time, numerous Eastern Shoremen who never forswore their allegiance to Virginia nor resided in Maryland, took up lands in the latter colony. Both Colonel Edmund Scarburgh and his son Charles patented large tracts there, as did John Custis and Francis Yeardley. . . .

      During a visit to Rotterdam, Argoll Yeardley, son of Sir George, married Ann Custis, and no doubt induced John and Joane, her parents, to return with him to Virginia.' John Custis, son of the immigrant, was an enterprising man, and like Scarburgh, engaged in salt making on one of the sea-side islands. . . .

      During the massacre of 1644, and subsequent thereto, numerous reports of the intended uprising of the Eastern Shore Indians greatly disturbe the people of the peninsula. At last, on July 25, 1650, a council of war was held and various witnesses examined in regard to the rumors of war. Robert Berry swore than an Indian named Ornaws had declared to him that "the Indians were not good; that King Tom, of the Gingasgoynes, told the other English what the Indians said and did ; that they were appointed to poison the English." Berry replied that he did not believe it, because the bayside Indians had sold all their corn, but to this Ornaws answered "they sold their corn for truck to pay the Indians that were to come over the bay, whom they had hired to fight against the English."

      The court at once gave orders for the people to stand under arms, etc., and continued the examination of other witnesses. Two negroes being then examined, one of them testified that King Tom had carried roanoke unto the Nanticoke King; that he said the roanoke was for bribing; that the King of Gingoteague and the King of Matchateague intended to fall upon the English, and that they had all consulted together, except the King of Kikotank. At a court held the same month Robert Berry's deposition was taken again and a party of able men were ordered to go among the Indians and make inquiries.

      What danger was reported by those who went among the Indians does not appear, but on October 9th, 1651, the county was again divided into military precincts, and commanders appointed as follows:

      "Captain Peter Walker was to command the Regiment of Horse to be raised.

      From the lower end of Magothy Bay to the South side of Old Plantation Creek, Captain Edward Douglas.

      From the house of Lewis Whyte to Old Plantation Creek, including John Little's house at Seaside, Colonel Obedience Robins.

      From the house of Lewis Whyte, including Savage's Neck, Captain John Savage.

      Hungar's Creek: Captain William Andrews.

      Occahannock Creek: Col. Edmund Scarburgh.

      Nandua Precinct: Capt. Samuel Goldsmith.". . .

      In April, 1651, Colonel Scarburgh could no longer restrain his desire to punish the Indians along the northern boundary of Accomac for a number of trifling depredations, and for their reported conspiracy to massacre the whites. Collecting a band of well armed and experienced Indian fighters, among whom were Thomas Johnson, Richard Vaughan, John Dollings, John Robinson, Toby Norton, Richard Bayly, Ambrose Dixon, Richard Hill, Tomlin Price, besides other inhabitants of Northampton, he set out from Occahannock Creek on the 29th of the month, to capture or kill the King of Pocomoke, the leading spirit of the supposed conspiracy. It was not long before the formidable mounted band fell upon the natives, whom they shot at, and slashed with their sabres and long hunting knives. Capturing a number of the amazed natives, Scarburgh ordered that their bows be cut and that the two whom he believed to be ringleaders be bound neck and heels with a chain. Not knowing what was coming next, it was very natural for the Indians to collect in great numbers along the border, and of course it was said that they intended to invade the Accomac country. Whether it was their intention to do so or not before Colonel Scarburgh made his raid among them is not really known. At any rate, rumors of impending war had been rife for some time, and having much property exposed to their mercy, Colonel Scarburgh was unwilling to sit quietly at home and take the chance of its being destroyed. Numbers of the frontiersmen and fur traders had no doubt come to him with tales about the Indians, which led to his assault upon them. After a short while, the bands of frightened Indians dispersed, and Scarburgh and his raiders returned to their homes.

      At the next court, May 10th, the Sheriff was ordered to arrest, to the number of fifty or all those who went upon this expedition, and confine them until they gave security for their appearance at James City before the Governor and Council. The court then sent over Argoll Yeardley and William Andrews to prosecute the defendants, and in order that these distinguished representatives of law and order might appear at the Capital in proper style, it was directed that a boat, well stocked with provisions and manned by three men, should be placed at their disposal.

      In the meantime, however, it was commanded by the authorities that diligent ward and watch be kept throughout the county in order to discover and prevent the execution of the supposed plot or conspiracy of the Indians. With a view to placating the injured spirit of the Pocomokes, Mr. Andrews was enjoined to send to Onecren of Pocomoke, 100 arms' length of roanoke; to the King of Metomkin, 10 weeding hoes; to the two Indians that were bound neck and heels, and to the Indian shot by the wife of Toby Selby, 20 arms' length of roanoke; Andrews to be satisfied out of the next crop of tobacco. From this order of the court, it would appear that the ladies had joined in the chase. The Indians were great thieves, however, and Mrs. Selby probably shot this one while he was prowling about her place.

      It does not appear that anyone, implicated in the raid, appeared before the council of war held at James City for their prosecution, except Colonel Scarburgh and Thomas Johnson. These two gentlemen were indicted for "going in a hostile manner among the Indians and doing them outrages contrary to the known laws of Virginia." An investigation ensued, "but upon scanning the business, the charge was found to be untrue," and the court considered that the defendants acted as careful and honest men ought to have done. From this, it would appear that the raid was justified by the facts ; and convincing evidence must have been introduced as to the plans of the Indians. After Governor Berkeley's proclamation, enjoining amity and courtesy on the part of the whites in their dealings with the natives of the peninsula, it is only reasonable to suppose that he would have been infuriated by such an act, as Scarburgh's raid, unless justifiable. That he was not, is shown by the following, written immediately after the trial

      "To Colonel Littleton.

      "I pray (upon sight hereof) deliver unto Mr. Edmund Scarburgh Towe (two) of yor best Ewe Lambe wch I have given him, for his daughters Tabitha & Matilda, charge ye same to Accott, fr

      "Yor Llovinge frend,


      Upon Scarburgh's return, the following entry was made in the records of the court held July 29th :

      "Whereas there is great probability that the Indians have concluded a confederacy of acting a sudden massacre of the inhabitants of this county, It is therefore provided that a company of horse shall be pressed for present service to discover and prevent the threatened danger, and that no delay be used. These are in his Majesties name to authorize the officers employed to press such horses, men and other necessaries as fitly conduce to the execution of this design and hereunto let no man fail of observing as he or they will answer to the court at their peril."

      This commission was signed by Stephen Charlton and the two gentlemen recently tried at James City, Colonel Scarburgh and Thos. Johnson. First: observe that the court of Northampton does not recognize the authority of the Commonwealth, but regards Charles II as their ruler. Second: observe that Scarburgh and Johnson made out such a strong case against the Indians that they were not only thought to be justified in their raid, but the very court which had indicted them was led to issue orders for aggressive action against the natives. Then follows a letter from one of the most conservative and law-abiding men in the county :

      "Gent. I have received your order & I think it fitting that you all meet at Mr. Charlton's upon the 31st of this month and thereunto give Mr. Andrews and Mr. Yeardley notice of your meeting, and what you shall there agree for the Good & safety of the County, I do willingly condescend to. I pray you be careful not to engage us in a war but upon good grounds, etc.

      "Your friend,


      Mr. Andrews and Mr. Yeardley were the two gentlemen but recently sent to James City to prosecute the raiders. They are now about to confer as to another raid, just three months subsequent to the one made by Scarburgh, which had no doubt disorganized the natives, and prevented concerted action among them during the early part of the summer, at which time they would have commenced hostilities if a massacre had been contemplated; for at that time the woods are well screened with leaves and stocked with food, and the sun is not too hot for rapid movements. . . .

      While the Indian matters of the spring and summer of 1651 were in progress, Colonel Scarburgh had sent one of his vessels, "The Sea Horse," up the coast and into the Delaware River to trade with the Indians. While in that neighborhood, the Dutch Commander, Andreas Hudde or Andrew Hudson, Deputy Governor General of New Netherlands, seized the vessel by force, lowered the King's colors, ran the Dutch flag up to the mast head, and carried the ship, John Ames, the Skipper, William Scott, the pilot, and the entire crew to Fort Nassau, pretending that they had violated the customs laws, although Governor Stuyvesantt had invited Scarburgh to trade there.

      Such an act aroused the enmity of Scarburgh, who, besides being an Indian fighter and a planter, was the largest merchant on the peninsula. He at once took the depositions of his men before the Northampton Court; and bringing the matter to the attention of the Governor and Council at James City, eventually recovered his ship, it is supposed. But such redress was not sufficient for Scarburgh, who bided his time to revenge himself upon the Dutch. Any and all Dutchmen were responsible for this outrage upon his property, and the whole nation was the victim of his ire.

      Charles the Second, whom the Eastern Shoremen had declared, by proclamation, to be the successor of his father, had, at the head of a Scottish Army, invaded England and had been utterly overthrown at Worcester, September 3, 1651. Charles himself, not long after, with difficulty and in disguise, had escaped to France. In that same month the Council of State appointed Robert Dennis, Mr. Richard Bennett, Mr. Thomas Stegg and Captain William Clayborne, commissioners, to reduce the Colony of Virginia and the inhabitants thereof, to their due obedience to the Commonwealth. The commissioners at once took steps to accomplish the task assigned them. Richard Bennett, Clayborne and Stegg, had all been residents of Virginia. Bennett being a non-conformist and Round-head, had moved to Maryland when the troubles in England commenced; but dissatisfied with Baltimore's proprietary government, had returned to England. He had been a member of the Council of Virginia in 1646. Oddly enough, the daughter of this old Puritan married Colonel Chas. Scarburgh, the son of the noted royalist, Colonel Edmund Scarburgh.

      In 1652, the war which had been brewing for several years between England and Holland, as a result of the former's unjust restriction upon commerce, broke out. Hostilities commenced in May and a series of brilliant naval engagements continued through the summer and fall, victory generally crowning the Dutch fleets. No part of Virginia was as much affected by this war as Northampton County, for the thread of Dutch influence was intimately woven into the fabric, political, social, and commercial, of the Eastern Shore. Not alone were they dependent to a greater extent upon the Dutch trade, so highly developed in that quarter, than the people elsewhere in the Colony, but a large portion of the Eastern Shore population was Dutch. One must readily see then how closely this war concerned the little peninsula. . . .

      While it does not appear that Bennett was appointed Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia until April 30th, 1652, in the preceding January, and before the Old Dominion had surrendered to the representatives of Parliament, an order was received by the Court of Northampton from him, in which it was stated that England had declared war upon Holland and that the militia of the county was to be mustered and assembled. The same month a command was received from the General Assembly to seize any Dutch ships that came into the Northampton waters, as the peninsula was in great danger from the Dutch. Another communication soon followed from Governor Bennett, ordering such vessels to be seized, particularly one then riding in the roads at "Accomac." This was what the injured Scarburgh was waiting for. His vengeance could now be satisfied under screen of the law. Indeed, was he not directed to proceed against his friends, the Dutch, by the highest authority in the land!

      It seems that, about February, 1652, a New England merchant vessel, owned by several persons of Boston, and under the command of Captain John Jacob, a German, was riding at anchor in a creek near Nominy on the Potomac. The good ship, "Ye Hobby Horse," owned by Colonel Scarburgh and manned by eight well armed men under Mark Magge, the Master, had been privateering about the bay, under Scarburgh's orders, looking for Dutchmen. The sole authority vested in the Colonel was that, incident to the orders mentioned, and, to protect himself, he had thoughtfully borrowed the commission of the Admiralty of England, issued to Captain Peter Wraxall of the British ship "Speedwell," lying in Occahannock Creek, when the "Hobby Horse" set out. To wait for a letter of Marque and Reprisal would have been tedious, and so long as friend Wraxall was willing to loan his commission the matter was satisfactory to Scarburgh.

      Dutch prizes seem to have been somewhat scarce, the nearest approach to one being the New England vessel commanded by a German Master; so the bold Magge, not being particular and in order not to return to the Colonel empty-handed, boarded the Bristol merchantman in the opportune absence of her Captain and took possession of the ship and the cargo in the name of England! Upon returning to his vessel, Captain Jacob was naturally surprised to find her in the hands of strangers and demanded to see the commission under which the seizure was authorized. Expressing an entire willingness to comply with all orders of the English government, yet he said that in the absence of proper authority, the boarding of his vessel was an act of piracy. In this the Captain was right, but the pirates became angry, sensible, no doubt, of their unlawful conduct, and one of them would have shot Jacob, had not Magge prevented him. Alarmed by the violence of his visitors, Captain Jacob entered his cabin to get a gun to protect himself with, and upon returning to the deck was struck over the head by Richard Wayman, one of the boarders. The poor Captain, seeing himself helpless, begged that his ship and cargo be left alone, but was promptly informed that he had had a knock on one side of his head, and unless he remained silent, he would have his brains knocked out on the other side. Magge and his crew then took the ship away from Nominy and seem to have disposed of much of the cargo at their pleasure, Jacob protesting all the while against such conduct. Magge now became alarmed at his own unlawful acts, and decided to return with the questionable prize to his master, telling Jacob that he might go with him to Northampton and protest against the seizure of the vessel if he desired to. When the two vessels came to anchor in Occahannock Creek at the stern of the "Speedwell," Captain Jacob went aboard the British ship and demanded that his vessel and goods be returned to him, but Mr. Davis, the Master's Mate, declared that he had no authority to return them and in fact had been ordered by Captain Wraxall not to do so. Thus we see that Wraxall must have been in cahoot with Scarburgh. Despairing of recovering his vessel, Jacob, it seems, collected certain evidence, and in the records of the county for February, 1652, a long deposition appears about the seizure of the ship. In the investigation which followed the deposition, Mark Magge, the Master of Scarburgh's vessel, swore that "he came down from Occahannock and found the vessel anchored by the Mills (Nominy ?) and that after they were anchored by the 'Speedwell' came aboard Argall Yeardley, Obedience Robins, Captain John Stringer and Mr. Lamberton, and as they were leaving the chirurgeon abused the master, and said 'that he had a horse at home, and thought to bring, but he was afraid they would have made him a Colonel, Major, or Justice of the Peace', and that he further declared that most all of them here were Rogues or whores, or vagabonds, or thieves, or beggars"; and many other scandalous names.' From this deposition of Magge's it would seem that upon arriving in Occahannock, Captain Jacob sought the aid of the County Justices, Yeardley, Robins and Stringer, and that upon their failure to turn over to him his ship without further investigation, the surgeon of the New England vessel abused them, making light of their various titles and the fact that they all rode horses. At any rate, Colonel Robins, by that time at war with Scarburgh, filed the following complaint about a year after his visit to the captured vessel, or in February, 1653:

      "Capt. John Jacob, a High Germayne of Frankendall in the Palatinate, who in ye yeare 1651, engaged to ye State of England & embarked himselfe theire in a London or New England shipp whereof Capt. Robt. Thurston was commander & with a good quaintity of English goods came into New England, and thence with Mr. Cuttin unto Severne (now Annapolis) & returned to New England with John Bennett unto Boston, in New England, and by infailable testimony imployed unto Virginia by Mr. Samll Mauericke, Mr. Robert Knight & Mr. Nathll Gardner three principal merchants livinge in Boston in New England came unto mee, and complayned that beinge in a New England belonginge unto ye above Mr. Rob't Knight, at Nominy in Patomack River att Anker, in a small creeke, aground there, came a vessell called ye hobby horse belonging unto & sett forth by Left. Coll. Scarburgh with eight armed men; & in his absence did seize his vessel as they s'd for the State of England."

      This complaint was laid before the Council by Robins; with what result we shall see later. . . .

      Towards the latter part of 1652, not satisfied with the trade restrictions which had been imposed upon the Dutch inhabitants of the Colony, the people of the Eastern Shore were hatching up a plot of their own to prevent the execution of Stuyvesant's supposed design. Colonel Scarburgh took the lead in this affair, and, if there were to be an Indian uprising, and massacre, he proposed to be the chief executioner. So alarming became the situation of the innocent Dutch inhabitants, that the cooler heads who deprecated violence against the latter appealed to the court to protect them. An investigation was held by the Commissioners of the County and many witnesses examined in order to ascertain the plans of those persons who conspired against the Dutch. Charles Scarburgh, who was forced to testify under oath, said that his father could prove the Dutch plot and that Colonel Scarburgh claimed that the English were justified in setting upon them as a measure of self-protection. With the rash Scarburgh at the head of the excited people, the Dutch were truly in great danger, for he would have been delighted to commence their extermination. Appreciating this serious state of affairs, the Justices exerted their best efforts to counteract the danger, and what further action they took to protect the Dutch, we shall see later.

      In March, 1652, Captain Dennis arrived at Jamestown and demanded the surrender of the Colony to Parliament, and after a slight delay, and no resistance, the capitulation was ratified on the 12th of the month. The articles of capitulation provided that the Colony of Virginia should be subject to the Commonwealth of England ; that the submission should be considered voluntary, not forced or constrained by a conquest upon the country; that the people should have and enjoy such freedoms and privileges as belonged to the free-born people of England; that the Assembly should meet as formerly and transact the business of the Colony, nothing, however, to be done contrary to the government of England; that full indemnity should be granted for all the offenses against the Parliament of England; that Virginia should have the ancient bounds and limits granted by the charters of former Kings; that Virginia should seek a new charter from the Parliament to that purpose, "against any that have entrenched on the rights thereof," an allusion, no doubt, to Lord Baltimore's intrusion into Maryland; that the privilege of having fifty acres of land for every person transported to the colony should continue as formerly granted; that the people of Virginia should have free trade, like the people of England, to all places, and with all nations, according to the laws of that Commonwealth; and that Virginia should enjoy all privileges equally with any English plantation of America.

      The council appointed for the Commonwealth of Virginia included two members from Northampton County, namely, Colonel Nathaniel Littleton and Colonel Argoll Yeardley, and they were immediately dispatched to the strongly disaffected County of Northampton to obtain the signatures of the inhabitants to the following engagement dated the 11th of March, the day before the ratification of the articles of surrender. During the next thirty days, the signatures of one hundred and sixteen of the people of Northampton were secured :

      "The Engagm't tendered to ye Inhabitants of Northampton County, Eleaventh of March, 1651 (O. S.)

      "Wee whose Names are subscribed doe hereby Engage and promise to bee true and faithfull to the Commonwealth of England as it is nowe Established without Kinge or House of Lords. . . .

      [One of the signatories was Edm. Scarburgh.]

      Recordantur vicesimo die Augusty Ano. 1652.

      Teste Edm. Mathews, Cloc. Cur."

      In 1647, when the order to return Burgesses was issued by the Governor, no call for representatives was made upon Northampton County. Indeed, from that time the County had had no representative in the Assembly except one Burgess in 1651. Yet a tax of forty-six pounds of tobacco per poll had been levied upon the Eastern Shoremen, of which they had bitterly complained. But these were not the only sources of dissatisfaction. Parliament, which at first had found much support on the peninsula, especially among the middle classes and the tradesmen, soon lost favor.

      Such laws as the one of 1650, prohibiting Dutch trade and the Navigation Act of the following year, had almost entirely destroyed the Parliamentary Party in Northampton. The small planters who did not own their own vessels were forced to pay exorbitant freight rates on their tobacco, and even then accept a much diminished price for the staple. The Indian scare had created the wildest excitement among the people, and the policy which the court officers had adopted of protecting the Dutch and threatening to punish those who committed acts of hostility against them, infuriated the more restive spirits of the community. For some time, the belief had been quite general among the inhabitants of the peninsula, that Northampton was to become a separate province, the conviction being heightened by the failure of the Governor to call for Burgesses. An intense spirit of independence had therefore grown up among the people and nothing in common was felt to exist between Northampton and the Western Shore. The royalist party, now greatly predominant, took advantage of such conditions to strengthen its hold. Appreciating the weakness of the Parliamentary forces in Virginia, Scarburgh, who hated Puritans, seconded by other influential royalists, appealed to the people to resist the unjust burdens imposed upon them by the Assembly at James City, and to assert their independence of a government, in which their sole participation was to defray its expense. The agitators did not fail to extoll the virtues of royalty and the old government, and the people, already in an ugly mood, daily assembled at the wharfs and public houses to listen to the harangues of the incendiaries. After several days of such excitement, six prominent citizens of the County were selected by vote of the people to draw up a protest against their present condition and to act in all things as the best interest of the people might demand. Accordingly, on March 30th, when the Commonwealth of Virginia was but eighteen days old, the following protest was drawn up by the People's Committee, which, while not signed by Colonel Scarburgh, may be attributed largely to his influence. This obscure but historic instrument deserves the attention of those sons of other sections of America who proclaim themselves with so much candor to be the fathers of Independence :

      "The xxxth of March, Ano. 1652.

      "Wee whose names are and written this daye made choyce of by the Inhabitants of Northampton Countie in Virginia to give Informacons and Instruccons to ye gent Ellected Burgesses for this prsent Grand Assemblie (in relacon to such matters as conduce to our peace & Saftie). And for ye Redresse of those aggreevances wch (att prsent) wee are capable & sensible of in our Countie of Northampton.

      "Imprmis. Wee the Inhabitants of Northampton Countie doe complayne that from tyme to tyme (pticular yeares past) wee have been submitted & bine obedient unto the paymt of publeq Taxacons. Butt after ye yeare 1647, since yt tyme wee Conceive & have found that ye taxes were very weightie. But in a more espetiall manner (undr favor) wee are very sensible of the Taxacon of fforty sixe pounds of tobacco p. poll (this present yeare). And desire yt ye same bee taken off ye charge of ye Countie; furthermore wee alledge that after 1647, wee did understand & suppose or Countie or Northampton to bee disioynted & sequestered from ye rest of Virginia. Therefore that Llawe wch requireth & inioyneth Taxacons from us to bee Arbitrarye & illegall; fforasmuch as wee had neither summons for Ellecon of Burgesses nor voyce in their Assemblye (during the time aforesd) but only the Singlur Burgess in September, Ano., 1651. Wee conceive that wee may Lawfullie ptest agt the pceedings in the At of Assemblie for publiq Taxacons wch have relacon to Northmton Countie since ye year 1647.

      "The Gent who are (att prsent) to speak in our behalfe can sufficiently declare what is necessary to bee expressed to this effect wch wee referr to them.

      "Our desire is that there may bee an annual Choyce of Magistrates in Northmton. And, if our Countie may not have ye privilege of a peculir govrmt & propriety (att prsent) granted wth in our prcincts that then you Request and plead that all Causes, Suite of Tryalls (of what nature soevr) may bee concerned (for future tyme), determined in our sd Countie of Northampton.

      "If there bee a free & genr all vote for a Governor wherein they shall Ellect Mr. Richard Bennett Wee the inhabitants of Northampton Countie wth unanimous consent & plenary aprobacon Rendr our voyce for the sd Esq. Bennett.

      "The people doe further desire that ye Taxacons for fforty sixe pounds of tobac a heead maye not bee collected by the sheriffs (until ansrw of the questions from the Grand Assemblie nowe summoned).

      "Witness our hands subscribed the day & yeare aforesd.

      Stephen Charlton
      Llevyne Denwood
      Jno. Nuthall
      Wm. Whittington
      Jno. Ellis
      Steph. Horsey

      "Recordatr Decimo Mense May 1652, p. me Edm. Mathews, Clic. Cur."

      This then was the Northampton Protest. Whatever may be the claims of other sections of the country to priority of concerted remonstrance against Great Britain in the following century, whether the palm be accorded the adherents of the Mecklenburg Declaration, of the Fincastle Resolutions, or the people of Massachusetts, the first organized remonstrance against British Authority in the form of a protest against taxation without representation was made by the people of Northampton County, Virginia, March 30, 1652, antedating all the others by one hundred and twenty-odd years; and yet, not a single historian of our country has dwelt upon the importance of this Protest. It may be said that such a remonstrance, directed against local authority, is unworthy of the significance which the writer claims for it. And here let us ask, to whom was the Northampton Protest directed? Was it directed to the Commonwealth of Virginia? No. It was a direct protest against the authority of the Commonwealth of England, which, from March 12th, to April 30th, 1652, was represented by Parliamentary Commissioners, not chosen by the people, nor any section of the people of Virginia.

      Events the next few months, however, only aggravated the complaint. On the 13th of June, 1652, Richard Husband, master of the ship "Hopeful Adventure," seized the ship of Mr. Walter Chiles, "who on January 24th, 1651-2 had sett sayle with his owne shipp" called the "Fame of Virginia," to Rotterdam and was "in the Road of Accomac" on the return to James City when the said Husband came up. Husband's pretext was that Chiles had no license from the Parliament and was bound with the cargo to Brazil. Chiles petitioned the Court of Northampton for relief, maintaining that the seizure was "contrary to ye peace of this countrye. And also contry to ye agreemt made by ye Comrs that were appointed by ye keeprs of the Libertyes of England and to ye damage of ye petr towe thousands pounds sterl."

      The Court, thereupon, ordered Husband to restore the ship and cargo, the seizure of which was pronounced "contrary to the treaty with the Parliamentary Comrs." But Husband sailed away with his prize, and the Court ordered such writings to be dispatched "as may be necessary to prosecute Husband before the Honble State of England."

      While such important events were transpiring, the Court had been busying itself with protecting the demoralized Dutch inhabitants. The people, under the leadership of the fiery Scarburgh, were now getting beyond the control of the Commissioners who were forced to lay the unhappy state of affairs before the Council of 1652 and acknowledge their inability to handle the alarming situation:

      "Wee the Commissioners of Northampton County received from the Dutchmen in generall (inhabitants of this County) wherein, they do not only complain, of a ruinous violence, suddenly to be acted upon them to their utter ruin, But also desire a declaration to your honors, the sense of their present condition, and their compliance and ready obedience to the State of England and all the laws established in this Colony. We do therefore certify that they do and have behaved themselves like honest men and legal subjects to the government they live under, having subscribed the Engagement, and performed all things, that is required of them in order to their obedience, from whereunto (in reason) they might expect protection. We are also of opinion, that unless they have an order now to secure them, not only they but the whole County (if not the whole Country) will be in danger of disturbance how Sad consequences that may produce. We refer together with our opinions to your . . . judgment."

      This report was signed by Obedience Robins, Edward Douglas, Wm. Andrews, Thos. Johnson, Jno. Stringer, Wm. Jones, and Mr. Whittington. Effective steps seem to have prevented any concerted action against the unfortunate Dutchmen, whose departure would have been a desirable end to many, since much money was due them as merchants.

      In May, 1653, Governor Stuyvesant of New Netherlands, in obedience to instructions from Holland to arrange, if possible, a treaty with Virginia, sent Van Tienhoven, the Treasurer, and Van Hattern, one of the burgomasters of New Amsterdam, to James City to negotiate with Governor Bennett, but the Virginia authorities were not at liberty to make any such arrangements with the Dutch, and informed the Commissioners that the matter would have to be referred to the Council of State in England. Not only were these Commissioners sent to negotiate a treaty, but to seek protection for the Dutch citizens of Northampton, grave fears for the safety of whom had been entertained by their friends of Manhattan. The Commissioners assured the Governor that no possible foundation for the rumors of an offensive alliance between the Dutch and the Indians existed, and as a result of this the danger which had confronted the Dutch inhabitants of the peninsula was in large measure averted.

      In the meantime, the Justices had become involved in a disagreement among themselves, and Captain Johnson refused to join in their measures. So acute became the dissention [sic] of the Commissioners that the people themselves took up the matter, looking upon Johnson as their champion. The trouble came to a climax in June, 1653, when Captain Johnson assembled the people in Dr. George Hacke's old field and read aloud to them certain orders of the Commissioners of which he disapproved. Wild disorder followed, and Stephen Horsey, who was one of the People's Committee, and who had subscribed his name to the Protest in their behalf, cried out that the Commissioners were a "company of asses and villyanes," and thereupon the throng voiced his sentiments by cheering vociferously and assumed a very defiant attitude towards the authorities. Becoming greatly alarmed by such proceedings and realizing their inability to prevent a recurrence of such gatherings, the Commissioners determined to call upon the government at James City for support. The affair in Dr. Hacke's field was represented as a revolt and evidence was collected to bring the instigators to justice. Those citizens of the County, who had taken no part in the Protest nor in the subsequent disorders, now became greatly alarmed. Things were moving too rapidly in the wrong direction to suit the conservatives, who in turn met and selected a committee to protect their interests. Forthwith a petition was drafted, denying that the reported revolt was general among the citizens of Northampton, and setting forth that the disturbances of the preceding month were all due to the rumor that a great sum of money was to be raised by the Commissioners, in order to satisfy Mr. Walter Chiles for the loss of the ship taken by Captain Richard Husband. But things had progressed to a dangerous state, and whether the revolt had become general or not the county authorities were utterly unable to cope with it, and appealed to the government again for immediate aid, whereupon the following measures were taken by that body in July :

      "Whereas the paper subscribed by name of the inhabitants of Northampton Countie is scandalous and seditious and hath caused much disturbance in the peace and government of that County, It is therefore ordered by this present Grand Assembly, That all the subscribers of the said paper bee disabled from bearing any office in this country, and that Leift. Edmund Scarburgh, who hath been an assistant and instrument concerneing the subscribeing of the same bee also disabled from bearing any office until he hath answered thereunto, and the honourable Governor & Secretarie be intreated to go over to Accomack with such assistants as the house shall think fitt, for the settlement of the peace of that countie, and punishinge delinquents. (This order reversed by an order of Assembly, 26th March, 1658.)

      "According to an order of this Assembly, upon the petition of Coll. Nathaniel Littleton, Coll. Argoll Yeardley, Major William Andrews, and some other commissioners of Northampton County, Master Speaker, Left. Coll. Edward Major, Left. Coll. Geo. Fletcher, Coll. Thomas Dew, and Left. Coll. Rob't Pitt are nominated as assistants to attend the Governour and Secretarie for the settlement of the peace of that county, and the punishments of delinquents there according to their demerits, the appointment of all officers both for peace and warr, the division of that county, and the hearing and determineing of the businesse of damages between Capt. Daniel How and Left. Coll. Edm'd Scarburgh, As also between Capt. John Jacob and the said Edmund Scarburgh, with all other matters and things necessary and incident for the preservation of the peace of that place, ffor which this shall be their commission, The charges which the said Commissioners shall be at, both in goeing, stayinge there and returneing, to be levied upon those persons that occasioned their repair thither."'

      A few days after the passage of the foregoing acts by the Assembly, Governor Bennett, and the party of gentlemen selected to attend him in his investigation of affairs on the Eastern Shore, left James City for Northampton. One authority states that an armed force was taken over by the Governor to suppress the disturbance which Scarburgh had caused among the royalists, but of such action no mention is to be found in the records of the County. If such was the case the force must have been a small one, in the nature of a military escort, as befitting the dignity of the Governor and his commission, and there was certainly no threatened conflict between the guard and the agitators.

      Upon arriving in Northampton, the Governor immediately instituted a court of investigation on July 29th, and complaints were laid before this court as to the mutinous and seditious actions of certain individuals of the county, as being repugnant to the Government of the Parliamentary Commission. A number of the agitators were presented and fined three hundred pounds of tobacco, and held to be incapacitated from holding further office under the previous Act of Assembly. Among them was Captain Thomas Johnson, whose offense must have been more serious than that of the others, for he was fined five hundred pounds of tobacco and bound over to keep the peace. At this same meeting of the court the Governor approved the sale of a Dutch prize ship, the "St. John of Amsterdam," for fifty thousands pounds of tobacco. This ship with another had been captured on July 5th.

      An order had already been sent to the court from James City to arrest Colonel Edmund Scarburgh, who had been reported to have a large store of arms and ammunition on board of one of his Indian trading ships. The selling of arms to Indians was at this time a grave violation of the law. Troubles were springing up about the Colonel on all sides. He was getting deeper and deeper in the mire. A less brilliant and less able man would have assuredly succumbed beneath the pressure brought to bear upon him by his enemies. Shorn of his political offices by the Assembly, charged with seditious conduct, indicted for a grave breach of the law, with the "Hobby Horse" affair still hanging over him, and a serious suit for damages brought by Captain Howe still pending, he was in a sad predicament. The aspect of affairs was too threatening for the Colonel's liking, so he decided to leave the jurisdiction for a time. Entrusting his affairs to the care of his friends, to be untangled by them as best they could manage in his absence, he disappeared from the county. The various charges and suits against Scarburgh, and the task of quieting the inhabitants, occupied the attention of the Governor for over a year; the greater part of which time he spent with his suite on the peninsula. Scarburgh himself, it is thought, proceeded to New Amsterdam and then to Boston, at both of which places he had commercial interests. It is very probable that he was the agent of the Northampton planters who in November, 1653, notified the Dutch in Manhattan, that if they would send their ships to Smith's Island, just off the Cape, a large supply of tobacco would be found awaiting shipment. At any rate, as the Dutch were as anxious to buy as the desperate planters were to sell, arrangements were immediately made by the former to secure the crop.

      The following month, the Governor and Council of New Amsterdam "resolved for the promotion of so laudable an object, as the continuation of peace, increase of commerce & cultivation of correspondence between old friends and co- religionists," to send once more a commissioner to Virginia and authorized and commanded "the Reverend and very learned Mr. Samuel Drisius, Minister of the Gospel," to go and inquire of the Governor and Council of Virginia whether they had heard from England in relation to the proposition which had been made in the early summer. They deputed him to propose that if no directions had been received, "a provisional continuation of commerce and intercourse between the two places" might be made, to be terminated after six days' notice to merchants and traders, to protect them from loss. While Drisius was unable to secure a treaty, an understanding was arrived at between New Netherlands and Virginia, and the way was paved for a formal treaty in 1660. Not altogether disappointed by his failure to secure the treaty which he was sent to negotiate, the good Domine repaired to the peninsula, where he was assured of a kind reception and not only preached the Gospel, but arranged for the purchase of the tobacco crop, then stored on Smith's Island a deal, mutually advantageous to the planters and the Dutch, though in direct violation of the law, and a more or less questionable proceeding on the part of a minister. His mission to the Eastern Shore at this time was no doubt in part due to the desire of the Dutch to protect their people there. It is possible that the explanation of this reformed churchman being allowed to preach in Rungar's Parish is that he was allowed to do so in order that he might explain to the people the false light in which his countrymen had been placed by the unfounded reports as to their designs. At any rate, his mission, so far as it regarded the tobacco crop, had a conciliating effect, if his words from the pulpit had none, and we hear no more of troubles with the Dutch inhabitants.

      On May 29, 1654, a committee of magistrates appointed to investigate the matter of selling arms to the Indians reported that certain ships and the house of Colonel Scarburgh had been carefully searched and that no powder, shot, nor arms had been discovered, except a chest of fowling pieces belonging to a Mr. Bateman. Scarburgh had, no doubt, succeeded in concealing the contraband goods.

      During the preceding year, the inhabitants had requested that the Court should be held in turn at Cheriton Creek, Occahannock and Hungar's, or the Horns, and so on in turn, and that these should be the polling places for the election of Burgesses. It was at the Court of July 8th, 1654, convening at the last named place, Governor Bennett, the Secretary and eight Justices being present, that the Sheriff complained that "whereas there are divers orders, sequestrations & executions, against the estate and person of Lieft. Col. Edmund Scarburgh, yet the said Scarburgh hath in great contempt carried part of his estate so sequestered out of the Colony, and withall gone out of the Colony, and wholly neglected either to pay his debts, or answer the suits. Therefore the said Sheriff humbly prayeth that he may be empowered to attach the estate of the said Scarburgh any where remaining in the County of Accomacke; which the Court condescends unto."

      Before leaving the County, Scarburgh had leased his estate called "Occahannock" and sold a number of his vessels to a Mr. Bunton of Boston. The lease was for fourteen years or until his son Edmund arrived at his majority. Such hasty preparations for departure seem to indicate that the time of his return was very uncertain. While in New Amsterdam or Boston, however, it is quite certain that he received assurances as to a favorable adjustment of his affairs, should he return to his home, otherwise be would not have placed himself within reach of the authorities, with such serious charges outstanding against him. Then, too, an alliance between his son, Colonel Charles Scarburgh, and the Governor's daughter, bore some weight in the deliberations of the Court. It is true that the governor had appointed John James in October, 1653, to fill the office of County Surveyor, which Scarburgh had previously held but this was because of the disability imposed upon him by the Assembly and his absence from the County. Land boundaries had become much confused and gave rise to such unending contentions, that a new surveyor became necessary and he was ordered to make a record for the court of all bounds. One of his first entries was, "cursed be the man that removeth the mark of his neighbor's land." It does not take much of an imagination to see in this entry an admonition to Scarburgh himself, who had evidently been careless in the keeping of his records.

      By August, 1654, Scarburgh had returned to take charge of matters himself, and with rare skill he made a flanking move to divert the attack of his enemies. In other words, he at once instituted suit against Major General Edward Gibbons, a Bostonian, a New Englander, a foreigner, with whom he had owned the trading ship "Artillery," which Gibbons had kept without making returns. Gibbons' property in Northampton was forthwith attached. And what did this mean? The Colonel's ship, "The Ann Clear," while loading in Occahannock Creek with tobacco, had been robbed of certain goods, during his absence? Can it be that Captain Jacob, another despised foreigner, had retaliated? At any rate the court was asked to investigate the outrage to a citizen of Northampton, and proceeded to do so. The famous Colonel, skilled in mathematics, trade, politics, and human nature, was too much for them all. The allied forces of Parliament and the Dutch were out-maneuvered and utterly routed by the generalship of Scarburgh, and by the Grand Assembly held at James City, March 26, 1655, before which he appeared on a warrant, he was "acquitted of all charges & crimes made against him for matters of trade, & etc., and further reinvested in such offices & employment as he before held in the Colony."

      Unscrupulous have we called Colonel Edmund Scarburgh? Yes. But brilliant too; exceedingly brilliant, and a power in his day. The charges of piracy, mutiny, sedition, selling weapons to the Indians, and debt, rolled from his back, and again we find him as Surveyor General of the Colony taking up the duties of his office; but this time under the authority of a new master, Parliament. Scarburgh's reputation was not a local one. His ships had touched at every port in New England, had frequently visited New Amsterdam; had traded upon the Hudson, the Delaware, and as far south as Florida. The owner of these vessels had an inter-colonial reputation as the most enterprising merchant in the mother colony of Virginia; and he himself had spent much time at the various ports of the Atlantic Coast, while establishing and building up his trade. The sweeping decree of the Assembly, which released him from his tormentors and rehabilitated him in the eyes of the law, enabled him to set out for New Amsterdam to reinstate himself in the good graces of the Dutch, who were naturally much offended by his treatment of them. Although his fame had preceded him to Manhattan, during the summer he succeeded in reestablishing himself in that quarter, by buying there a large number of slaves, thus placating the greedy Hollanders, who carried on a profitable traffic in human flesh. But the Dutch authorities were wise enough to appreciate what might happen if Scarburgh were permitted to enter the Delaware River, in view of the treatment his ship, the "Seahorse," had received there four years before; so while he was extended the privilege of trade with Manhattan, he was not allowed to take his slaves away with him until he had given bond that he would not enter the Delaware, nor stop on his way south to trade with any of the other Dutch plantations. . . .

      During the year 1659, the Indians seem to have given much trouble to the authorities of Northampton County, or perhaps it would be more accurate to say that the Accomackians were a source of great trouble to the Indians. The records of Maryland and Northampton County contain numerous complaints from the natives who were being pushed farther and farther north by the whites. They declared that their land was taken from them and that their crops were destroyed by the herds of cattle and horses which roamed over the country at large. Receiving no redress, some of the Assateagues committed depredations upon the whites by way of retaliation.

      The Assateagues inhabited the country about where the Accomack and Maryland boundary is described on the map. The larger portion of the tribe lived on the Maryland side.

      What particular offenses they were guilty of, at the time in question, is not known, but on the 28th of August, 1659, Colonel Edmund Scarburgh wrote the Governor of Maryland from Occahannock that he had been ordered by the Governor of Virginia to inform him of his plans of campaign against the Assateagues, and to seek his support and cooperation.

      "In ten days," wrote Scarburgh, "I shall leave here with three hundred men and sixty horses, sloops, and all other things necessary for the campaign, and arrangements have been made for a similar supporting party."

      Since the Indians were harder to catch than to conquer, it was his plan of campaign to establish a garrison on the seaside near the head of the Wicocomoko River and maintain himself in the heart of their country, and while preventing them from planting corn, hunting and fishing, he would also try to prevent other Indians from receiving the Assateagues, so as eventually to starve them into submission. Scarburgh suggested that for the present it would be well to make war upon the Assateagues only, but thought it might be well also for the Governor of Maryland to awe the Nanticokes and assist him in preventing all intercourse between them and the Assateagues. He then, assuring the Governor of his earnest support, called attention to the fact that this was a most auspicious opportunity to execute the foregoing plans.

      The Governor of Virginia had a few days before dispatched the following communication:

      "For the honnoble Governor and Secretary of Maryland. These.

      "The concearne of saftie depending on those persons in trust directed the Intelligence of our present designes against the Assateague Indians and Confederats, which we have accommodated with sufficient forces, now presumeing the advantages of this opportunity lying before you reasons politicall, will press your Endeavours to assault the comon Enemy who soe long triumphed in the ruines of Christian bloud, the Warr on the Sea Side wilbe on our parts prosected, and if the Nanticoke and Confederats be the subject of your like Designe, it may if not utterly Extinguish yet sufficiently Subject the Insolencies of those Indians who now despise the English Honnour: Use and improve this from

      Yorn humble Servant,


      For the honnoble Josias ffendall Governor of Maryland. These."'

      It took this communication a month to reach Governor Fendall, who immediately replied that he hoped his failure to give a definite answer then would not be taken amiss, for before he committed himself he would like to lay the matter before his council.

      The following month, after the matter had been submitted to the council, Governor Fendall wrote the Governor of Virginia to the effect that, since Virginia only contemplated a war upon the Assateagues, and had not asked for assistance against them, he did not see what he could do, for the Marylanders had no just cause of war against the Nanticokes. Furthermore, he did not know the cause of war between the Virginians and the Assateagues, but assured the Governor of Virginia of assistance on all just and proper occasions.

      The expedition upon the part of the Virginians was not abandoned, and the Assembly at Jamestown on March 13, 1660, made an appropriation to defray the expenses of the "late war in Accomack."

      "Ordered that seventy thousand five hundred pounds of tobacco, the same allowance of the souldiers that were carried over to Accomack, be also paid to the inhabitants of Accomack for the full charge of all the late warr, Provided that twenty-two thousand six hundred eighty-one pounds of tobacco be deducted out of the same, It being paid for the debt long since due from the said county to the publique."

      From the above, it would seem that some of the men of Scarburgh's force were sent from the Western Shore. That such a step was necessary, seems highly improbable. The Assateagues could not have numbered more than two hundred warriors at the most. But Colonel Scarburgh loved war, as we have seen, and was determined to extirpate the Indians, and no doubt used his influence at Jamestown to secure the government's assistance.

      In accordance with Lord Baltimore's directions to colonize the lower part of the Eastern Shore of Maryland, Philip Calvert, in 1661, appointed Colonel Edmund Scarburgh of Accomac, John Elzey, and Randall Revell, Commissioners, to grant lands there to such persons as would take the oath of fidelity to Lord Baltimore. About this time, settlers were taking up the land on the Accomac side and driving the Quakers across the boundary. This line was not really well defined. It had been a subject of dispute for years. Shortly after the Maryland Colony was planted, there seem to have been encroachments upon the Accomac territory south of Watkin's Point. It appears that Governor Harvey acquiesced in this trespass on Virginia's land, for in 1638, with the advice of Council, he issued a proclamation declaring the Eastern portion of the boundary of Virginia (that between Maryland and Accomac) to be the river Anancock, and commanding the inhabitants not to trade with the Indians north of this limit, which was far south of Watkin's Point. Soon after this, Virginia took unopposed possession of Smith Island, which lies in the Chesapeake Bay, far north of any possible line described in the Maryland charter. Virginia still holds a portion of this island.

      A letter from the Protector to the Virginia authorities, written just previous to the downfall of the Commonwealth, contained an injunction against further contentions concerning the matter.

      The laws of conformity had pressed so hard upon the Quakers in Accomac that they were driven to the north and west of the mouth of the Pocomoke. This river runs from the northeast of the peninsula to a point just east of Cedar Straits, and then it suddenly broadens out into a sound of considerable width at its mouth. That part of its north bank embraced by the lands of the Little Annamessex River, between that and Pocomoke Sound, consists mainly of salt marshes, not then desirable for settlement, and not easily accessible from Accomac. The Quaker refugees from Accomac congregated in the Little and Big Annamessex territories as far up as Manokin River. But eight square miles of this territory, claimed by Virginia, was terra firma or arrable land, a difficult place for the Accomac Sheriff to reach for the collection of taxes or other purposes. Lord Baltimore's deputies knowing this, began to encourage this settlement and to grant patents in that region. No patents were sought by the Quaker refugees east of the Pocomoke River, and thus on that side of the stream no dispute arose in later years. Colonel Scarburgh, who, as we have seen, was one of Baltimore's Commissioners to issue these patents, finding that he was aiding in stripping Virginia of her territory, and that his employment by Maryland was incompatible with his official duty as Surveyor General of Virginia, exposed the policy of Lord Baltimore to acquire that territory by settlement; and Virginia soon took action, as we shall see later, to protect her rights. Colonel Scarburgh was, unquestionably, trying to extend the northern boundary of Northampton as he did the southern boundary of Accomac in 1662, when that county was formed, for he owned a tract of three thousand acres in the disputed territory which was subsequently held to be on the Maryland side of the boundary. His employment by the Governor of Maryland was due to the fact of his ownership of this land.

      The administration of the Colonial government, under the Commonwealth of England, was judicious and beneficent; the people were free, harmonious, and prosperous as a whole, and while Cromwell's sceptre commanded the respect of the world, he exhibited towards the infant Colony of Virginia, in spite of its known royalist sentiment, a generous and politic lenity, thereby disarming opposition.

      Governors Bennett, Digges and Matthews were generally popular executives and won the confidence and respect of the Virginians. Opposition to the authority of Parliament on the Eastern Shore gradually died out as a result of Bennett's prolonged presence on the peninsula and the determined, yet just, manner in which he controlled the situation. Bennett had been quick to realize the danger of the smouldering fuse, which, allowed to burn, would soon spread to the magazines of pent-up loyalty. The task of extinguishing the spark, however remote and insignificant it may seem to have been, was not deputed to others, and in such a course the Governor was unquestionably wise.

      Richard Cromwell resigned the Protecto
    Person ID I18034  Frost, Gilchrist and Related Families
    Last Modified 1 Feb 2018 

    Father Edmund SCARBOROUGH, Sr.,   b. Bef 25 Dec 1584, North Walsham, Norfolk, England Find all individuals with events at this location,   d. Between Apr 1634 and 9 Jan 1635, Accomack County, VA Find all individuals with events at this location  (Age > 49 years) 
    Relationship natural 
    Mother Hannah BUTLER,   b. Abt 1585, England Find all individuals with events at this location,   d. Aft 1636, VA Find all individuals with events at this location  (Age ~ 52 years) 
    Relationship natural 
    Married Abt 1615  England Find all individuals with events at this location 
    Family ID F8066  Group Sheet  |  Family Chart

    Family 1 Mary (SCARBURGH),   b. Abt 1619, England Find all individuals with events at this location,   d. Between 14 Jun and 15 Dec 1691, Accomack County, VA Find all individuals with events at this location 
    Married Bef 3 Aug 1640 
     1. Matilda SCARBURGH,   b. Abt 1644, Accormack County, VA Find all individuals with events at this location,   d. 3 Jan 1721, Accomack County, VA Find all individuals with events at this location  (Age ~ 77 years)  [natural]
    Last Modified 1 Feb 2018 10:22:37 
    Family ID F8068  Group Sheet  |  Family Chart

    Family 2 Anne TOFT,   b. Abt 1643,   d. Abt 1688, Accormack County, VA Find all individuals with events at this location  (Age ~ 45 years) 

    • (1) Anne TOFT was never married to Edmund SCARBOROUGH, but she was evidently his mistress.
     1. Arcadia TOFT,   b. Bef 6 Sep 1669,   d. 2 Aug 1710, Accomack County, VA Find all individuals with events at this location  (Age > 40 years)  [natural]
     2. Annabella TOFT,   b. Between 1660 and 1668,   d. Bef 1721, Accomack County, VA Find all individuals with events at this location  (Age ~ 60 years)  [natural]
     3. Attalanta TOFT,   b. Between 1660 and 1666  [natural]
    Last Modified 1 Feb 2018 10:22:37 
    Family ID F8069  Group Sheet  |  Family Chart